Day: February 13, 2024

When the mayor of a New Jersey township accepted a request from a resident to fly the Tibetan flag on the eve of the Tibetan New Year, he had no inkling it would attract the attention of the Chinese government.

Nor did he anticipate that Belleville township – population of about 40,000 – would suddenly become the subject of international news.

But that’s exactly what unfolded, Mayor Michael Melham told Radio Free Asia after he rejected an emailed request by Ambassador Huang Ping, consul general of the People’s Republic of China in New York, to cancel the Tibetan flag-hoisting ceremony scheduled for Feb. 9.

Despite Chinese pressure, Melham raised the Tibetan flag for the first time in Belleville history at the behest of Tibetan resident Dorjee Nodong, who submitted a request at least 30 days in advance to hoist the Tibetan flag at the Town Hall to commemorate Losar, the Tibetan New Year. A recording of the Tibetan national anthem played in the background during the event. 

“We have often seen our town embrace diversity and inclusivity by hoisting flags representing different nationalities in front of the mayor’s office, so my son reached out to the mayor’s office,  and they agreed to do it,” Yangchen Nodong, 74, the mother of Dorjee who placed the request, told RFA by phone from her home in New Jersey.

The incident illustrates how far Chinese officials will go to try to exert control over members of Tibetan diaspora communities abroad, especially during politically sensitive anniversaries and holidays, such as Losar, which began this year on Feb. 10.

Diversity program

The township of Belleville, which organizes flag raisings on Fridays at noon, approved the Tibetan flag-raising event as part of an ongoing initiative to promote the township’s diversity. As part of the program, any resident or Belleville organization can place a request for a flag raising for a specific country, following which the township purchases the flag and schedules the event.   

“It sounds like the raising of the Tibetan flag in our town has sparked significant attention and discussion on social media, even if it may not have been immediately noticeable to everyone in my town,” said Nodong, whose family is among a handful of Tibetan families living in Belleville.

Belleville is home to one of the first Chinatowns on the U.S. eastern seaboard and the place where the first Chinese New Year was celebrated on the East Coast. It is predominantly made up of Hispanics and has a small Asian population, Melham told RFA. 

“As far as I’m concerned, it doesn’t matter how big or small of a community you are,” Melham said. “If there’s a request that comes in, we’re going to honor that.”

“Here in Belleville, we’re proud of our culture and our history, and I know Tibetan people are, too,” he said. “But increasingly, their language, spirituality or their religion is trying to be silenced in China. That’s something that we can’t accept. … We want to make sure that history will always tell their story…so, the best way to do it is to do things like this where we stand up and stand firm.”

Nodong said he was devastated upon hearing that the Chinese consul tried to stop the event. 

“This situation stirred emotions related to the ongoing tensions inside Tibet, but I felt a great sense of happiness and satisfaction knowing that despite the Chinese government’s intervention, the mayor still chose to hoist the Tibetan flag in our town,” he said.

Undated letter

Chinese Consul General Huang Ping’s undated letter to Melham asked for his “… reconsideration of the township’s participation for this ‘flag-raising’ event, as a measure to fulfill the commitment of the United States and to facilitate the sound development of China-U.S. relations.” 

“I was kind of taken aback by their request, especially the fact that they mentioned that the [Tibetan] flag is a symbol that China doesn’t accept,” Melham said. “I was really taken aback by that and the fact that the Chinese government being housed in New York is going to try to muscle in on a New Jersey municipality and try and influence their mayor or their governing body or their township as a whole as to what they can or cannot do.”

The letter, typed on the letterhead of the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in New York, was attached as a PDF file to the email sent to Melham, which was signed by Vice Consul Kailiang Zhou.

In response to the letter, Melham wrote to Huang that people in Belleville prided themselves on creating an environment of inclusivity and acceptance, regardless of nationality or territorial affiliation. 

“I understand your concerns regarding the raising of the Tibetan flag,” he wrote. “However, it’s essential to clarify that our intentions are not aimed at challenging the sovereignty of any nation. Instead, our gesture symbolizes solidarity with the Tibetan people and their aspirations for freedom and self-determination.”

An outpouring of support

There has been no communication from the Chinese government since Feb. 12, Melham said. 

The consulate did not immediately respond to RFA’s request for comment.

Following the Tibetan flag-hoisting ceremony, Melham has received an outpouring of messages in solidarity with his move from all over the United States and Canada.

“I’ve received messages from all over with people saying, what a great thing that we did and encouraging me as a mayor to make sure that we stand firm,” he told RFA. “So, I’m going to venture to guess this is not going to be a one-time occurrence.”

Additional reporting by Yangdon Demo and Nyima Namseling for RFA Tibetan. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Matt Reed.

Pro-junta militias in northern Myanmar’s Kachin state are grabbing anyone they can find and forcing them to take up arms against resistance fighters after the military regime announced it would begin enforcing a conscription law over the weekend, residents said.

Junta leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing announced on Feb. 10 that the People’s Military Service Law, enacted in 2010 by a previous military regime though it had never been enforced, would go into effect immediately. 

The move comes as anti-junta forces and ethnic armies have scored significant victories against the military in Myanmar’s three-year civil war. The conflict appeared to reach a turning point in late October when the groups jointly launched offensives that overran dozens of military camps and resulted in hundreds of soldiers surrendering.

In Kachin state, the Lisu militia in Waingmaw township, the Khaunglanhpu militia in Puta-O township, and the Shanni Nationalities Army, or SNA, in Mohnyin township, began forcibly recruiting civilians as early as the end of last month, and have been emboldened by the new directive, sources in the region told RFA Burmese.

SNA fighters have been rounding up pedestrians and gathering people through village administrators for recruitment, said a resident of Nam Mun village in Mohnyin’s Indawgyi sub-township who, like others interviewed for this report, spoke on condition of anonymity due to security concerns.

“The administrators are being told to grab passers-by,” he said. “Everyone who is seen on the roads is apprehended.”

People have fled the area and “dare not live in Nam Mun village anymore,” he said.

Another resident reported similar actions in Mohnyin’s towns of Hopin and Nam Mar, adding that those who refused to join the militia were being made to pay hundreds of thousands of kyats (100,000 kyats = US$48).

“After stopping all passers-by, they recruited the people they wanted,” he said. “Among those who were released, some said that they had to pay about 1 million kyats (US$477). They said they were asking for 30 million kyats (US$14,000) [altogether].”

Using family members as leverage

In Puta-O, the Khaunglanhpu militia led by Tang Gu Tan has been forcibly recruiting members of every household to serve for around two weeks, a resident told RFA.

“[But now], the militia is recruiting [people] more than ever,” he said. “Now, whenever they enter villages, they gather young people to join the militia.”

So far, the resident said, Khaunglanhpu fighters are mostly targeting civilians who had previously attended militia training.

The recruitment drive comes after junta troops and militias retreated from Puta-O’s Hkar Gar village in December and the anti-junta ethnic Kachin Independence Army, or KIA, seized the Kha Ran Hti Dam pro-junta militia camp in Khaunglanhpu township the following month.

In Waingmaw township, the Lisu militia, led by Shwe Min, is also recruiting soldiers, said a resident.

“When they carry out recruitment drives, they round up ethnic Lisu people at [three] checkpoints” in the township, he said.

The militia has also been detaining female and elderly family members to force the return of men of fighting age who have fled the drives, he added.

RFA calls to SNA spokesman Col. Sai Aung Mein, Lisu militia leader Shwe Min, and junta spokesperson for Kachin state Thant Zin Ko Ko seeking comment on the forced recruitment drives went unanswered Tuesday.

Win Naing, a lawmaker from nearby Mogaung township, told RFA that forced recruitment is a tactic used by pro-junta groups to undermine public opposition.

“The militias will recruit our people whether they want to join their groups or not, and they will train them whether they are willing or not. Then, they will arm them,” he said. “Ultimately, it’s part of a plan to force the people to fight one another.”

In Bago, too

To the south, a junta recruitment drive that kicked off in Bago region’s Htantabin township on Feb. 12 has led to the conscription of nearly all of the youths in the town of Za Yat Gyi, residents told RFA on Tuesday.

Most of Za Yat Gyi’s residents had already fled fighting that broke out between the military and anti-junta forces on Jan. 7, they said, but junta troops stationed at the town’s hospital have now rounded up those who remained from their homes and nearby villages.

They have also drafted youths displaced by the earlier fighting, residents said, adding that the number of detainees and other information about the recruitment drive is still unknown.

Men and women over the age of 18 have fled to avoid conscription, an elderly resident said.

“Everyone from the town is on the run,” she said, adding that she and her family members are in hiding. “The army enters the villages and arrests people … They arrest girls aged 18 or 19 years. Men of that age are also apprehended and brought to be forced to serve in the military.”

Residents said the villages surrounding Za Yat Gyi are “nearly empty” because people are trying to avoid being drafted into military service.

RFA has been unable to independently verify the claims of forced recruitment in Za Yat Gyi.

Tin Oo, the junta’s spokesperson and minister of economic affairs for Bago region, dismissed reports of civilian recruitment, saying that the military has only targeted people with ties to the People’s Defense Force, or PDF, of ordinary citizens who have taken up arms against the junta’s military forces.

“There have been arrests of members of organizations related to the PDF and that support terrorism, in accordance with the law,” he said. “We have no authorization to arrest innocent citizens.”

Tin Oo added that there have been “no mass arrests,” and “only three or four people were arrested for interrogation.”

Four youths missing

The threat of forced recruitment is increasingly real for youth in Myanmar’s urban areas, as well.

On Tuesday, junta troops arrested four young passengers on a commuter bus from Yangon to Mandalay at a checkpoint near Tada-U township, located around 24 kilometers (15 miles) southwest of downtown Mandalay, sources close to the detainees told RFA.

The whereabouts of the young men are unknown and they are believed to have been conscripted, the sources said.

Those detained were Zaw Zaw Aung, 23, Kaung Htet Soe, 24, Thwin Soe Tun, 23, and Tin Htut Win, 24, they said. 

“They were returning from Yangon after taking a test to go [work in] Korea,” one of the sources said. “They were arrested at a toll gate before reaching Tada-U.”

RFA calls to Thein Htay, the junta’s spokesman and economic minister for Mandalay region, seeking comment on the apprehension of the four youths went unanswered Tuesday.

According to Myanmar’s compulsory military service law, men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27 face up to five years in prison if they refuse to serve for two years. 

Professionals – such as doctors, engineers and technicians – aged 18-45 for men and 18-35 for women must also serve, but up to five years, given the country’s current state of emergency, extended by the junta on Feb. 1 for another six months.

Burmese of fighting age have told RFA they would team up with resistance fighters or leave Myanmar rather than serve as soldiers for the junta, which seized power in a coup d’état three years ago. 

Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

Ever since she first appeared in public just over a year ago, Kim Ju Ae, North Korea’s “Respected Daughter” and presumed heir to her father Kim Jong Un, has exuded a “quiet power” in her dress, says Lauren A. Rothman, a Washington-based stylist who offers fashion advice to celebrities, politicians and business executives.

At her first public event – a missile launch in November 2022 – Kim Ju Ae was wearing a white designer coat topped with a white fur cloak, black pants and red leather dress shoes with bows.

In subsequent appearances, she was spotted wearing designer sunglasses, fur-collared overcoats, a pantsuit with a bow and fancy blouses made by European luxury brands. She has carried luxury handbags and always sports a carefully primped hairstyle. 

All of this is a calculated effort to make her appear young and innocent but also to command respect, said Rothman, whose specialty is providing advice to people who want to run for office. She tells them what clothes, shoes and jewelry to wear to convey a specific meaning and enhance their relatability with voters. 

Though her clients are confidential, Rothman agreed to analyze 10 pictures of Kim Ju Ae and share her impressions of what North Korea is trying to communicate both at home and abroad about the girl – thought to be around 11 years old – who may one day rule one of the world’s most isolated countries. 

“I love seeing the quiet power that she really exudes in these pictures,” Rothman told Radio Free Asia. “And what I mean by that is that we see everything from the young girl she could be, or was, in a fur or fleece hoodie into the woman she’s going to be with a belted blazer or coat.”

Inherited authority

Rothman said she observed what she calls “legacy dressing,” which is meant not only to confer Kim Ju Ae’s father’s power onto her, but also to help her to step into her own power. 

“It is really interesting to think about [Kim Jong Un’s] daughter’s ability to communicate politics at her age, which appears to be timeless in these photos,” she said.

In one photo, Kim Ju Ae is wearing designer sunglasses, a leather jacket and a fur collar – all of which conveys a sense of power and makes her look more mature than in earlier photos, Rothman said. 

There was also a sense of timelessness to her style, she said, so that could be important politically.

In earlier appearances, the girl appeared primarily in white, she noted. 

“Not only do I think that it’s really powerful that in the first picture that was released, we’re seeing her in white, but that’s a very soft color, that’s a very innocent color. And so, there’s some real youthfulness,” Rothman said. 

“So here when she’s wearing a blazer, she has a pin and when she wears the white down jacket, she does not. And [for] most folks in politics …, darker colors stand the test of time.”

She said that for politicians and others who frequently appear in public, white clothing is difficult to keep clean, so it’s used mainly to emphasize youth, softness and purity.

In a photo that shows Kim Ju Ae wearing a white jacket and gold buttons to visit the naval command alongside her father, the purpose was to connect her style with that of the military, Rothman said. 

Experts speculate that Kim Ju Ae’s public appearances are either part of a propaganda effort to soften her father’s image by portraying him as a family man, or that she is being positioned to one day rule after her father.

But the media barrage of images of her plump face and wearing nice clothing has aroused widespread, if secret, resentment among the public, sources have told RFA, in a country plagued by chronic food shortages and widespread poverty.

Like her father

Kim Ju Ae often borrows elements of her father’s fashion, Rothman observed.

“We’re seeing a likeness. We’re seeing a similarity and we’re being trained already through nonverbal communication that they are one and the same.” Rothman said. 

“We are being trained to think that ‘When I see her in this look, I’m also seeing him in this look,’ and there’s something very subtle being communicated in the power of fashion.” 

“When we see what I call this legacy dressing type of look, I definitely think it has some intention attached to it,” she said.

Rothman said that even if the fashion choices are not part of an intentional strategy, the Kim family may have chosen clothes that could communicate their inherent power unconsciously.

Rothman said that Kim Ju Ae appears to be trying to present a soft family appearance to the rest of the world, but to North Koreans she may convey a strong force symbolizing the country’s leadership and power.

“Endless power is what these photos show me that the power doesn’t end,” she said. “That the power doesn’t rest, that the power is eternal and outer wear is a great way to communicate that power.”

Family fashion

Rothman also analyzed the fashion of supreme leader Kim Jong Un, First Lady Ri Sol Ju and his sister Kim Yo Jong, who is a high ranking and influential government official.

Kim Jong Un’s tailored clothing, such as his double-breasted coat, jacket and Mao-style jacket, appears to be an intentional choice reminiscent of a dynasty, she said. This choice of clothing itself symbolizes strong power to his people.

His wife, meanwhile, mimics the fashion of first ladies of other countries. Rothman said that in some pictures she even looks as if she’s trying to channel a little Jaqueline Kennedy Onassis, who was first lady when her first husband John F. Kennedy was U.S. president. 

“There is such a pronounced difference between first lady dressing and executive presence dressing and that’s communicated here with the wife’s style, really looking tailored, looking traditional,” she said. 

“There’s even a sweetness to that tailoring. We’ll see both playful touches, whether she’s got high boots on and is, you know, playing in the snow or, or at a creek here, you’ll see really tailored sleeves and collars that probably would make her a style icon in North Korea”

This is in sharp contrast to Kim Yo Jong, the leader’s sister, who needs to communicate capability and competence.

“So what we’re seeing in his sister’s ensembles is that she really loves her blazers, which really communicates a great sense of executive presence,” said Rothman.

Rothman said that unlike Ri Sol Ju’s clutch bag, Kim Yo Jong prefers practical fashion by carrying a tote or shoulder bag with plenty of space and often wearing clothes with pockets. 

Kim Yo Jong, who dresses simply, has only one accessory that she likes to wear: a headband. According to Rothman, headbands are called “half up, half down” in fashion terms, because half of the hair is decorated and fixed, and the other half is left down freely.

“Although she also has been shown with her hair down and with the headband, I think the headband is a little bit of fun.” said Rothman. “It’s something unexpected and perhaps authentic, to her love of fashion which is not often communicated in these more severe serious suits.”

Translated by Claire S. Lee and Leejin J. Chung. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.

Four straight days of artillery shelling of a village in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state left 12 people dead and 32 wounded as inhabitants hunkered down between positions taken by military junta troops and the rebel ethnic Arakan Army.

The shelling took place in Hpon Nyo Leik village of Buthidaung township between Jan. 25 and Jan. 28, Southeast Asia-based advocacy group Fortify Rights said in a statement on Tuesday. 

The attacks appeared to target civilians in the mostly ethnic Rohingya village and resulted in the destruction of more than 40 homes and the displacement of 15,000 people from several surrounding villages, the group said. Eight of the 32 injured were children, it said.

The junta’s Light Infantry Division 22, Light Infantry Battalion 551 and Military Operations Command 15 were likely responsible for the attack on Hpon Nyo Leik village and should be investigated for war crimes by the International Criminal Court, the group said. 

“The laws of war apply to the junta’s forces and all parties to the conflict and, whenever possible, civilians must be warned of incoming attacks,” said John Quinley III, the director at Fortify Rights. 

“Our recent investigation suggests effective warnings of military attacks could have saved civilian lives,” he said in the statement. 

‘So much blood’

The shelling began after the Arakan Army, or AA, dug trenches around the village on Jan. 24 in anticipation of a junta offensive, according to a statement from the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights.

“Inhabitants [were] trapped between the two warring parties,” the Jan. 30 statement from the U.N.’s human right chief, Volker Türk, said. “The military repeatedly shelled the village, destroying infrastructure.” 

Since November, Rakhine state has seen renewed fighting between the AA and the junta after the end of a year-long unofficial ceasefire. 

Fortify Rights said it interviewed six Rohingya survivors of the artillery attacks. The group also reviewed mobile phone videos and looked at dozens of photos of wounded residents and burning buildings.

Village residents told Fortify Rights that the AA didn’t warn residents that it should evacuate the area. 

One 29-year-old survivor told the group he found a way to leave the village on the first day of shelling. He then returned the morning of Jan. 26 during a pause to check for casualties. 

“The shelling hit one family – two men died, Sadek and Faruk,” he said. “Their legs got crushed.”

There were two other deaths in the household – Faruk’s grandmother and another woman. He described the scene in graphic detail.

“The bodies had so much blood around them,” he told Fortify Rights.

Attempts by Radio Free Asia to contact Hla Thein, the junta’s spokesman for Rakhine state, and junta spokesman Major Gen. Zaw Min Tun to ask about Fortify Rights’ statement were unsuccessful.   

Aerial attack in Pauktaw

Elsewhere in Rakhine state, junta helicopters used machine guns and dropped bombs on Taung Phue and Kyauk Pyin villages in Pauktaw township at about 11 p.m. on Monday, local residents said.

The aerial attack injured nine displaced persons who have been staying in the area, the residents said. Several fishing boats and homes were destroyed.

“A jet fighter dropped more than 20 bombs on our village and shot people with machine guns,” one resident told RFA. “Two bombs dropped in front of a house and hit people hiding under the house.”

Seven of the nine wounded were taken to another village for medical treatment for serious injuries, residents said.

RFA hasn’t been able to independently confirm the attacks and couldn’t immediately reach Hla Thein for comment.

According to figures compiled by RFA, more than 120 civilians have been killed and at least 260 have been injured since the resurgence of armed conflict in Rakhine state on Nov. 13. 

Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Matt Reed.

Hong Kong will add thousands of surveillance cameras on the streets and could use facial recognition to track the movements of residents, sparking concerns of totalitarian monitoring of citizens’ every move amid an ongoing crackdown on public dissent.

Police Commissioner Raymond Siu said plans are already under way to install some 2,000 additional surveillance cameras in public places “to prevent crime, monitor public safety and public order,” government broadcaster RTHK reported, citing comments made by Siu on one of its talk shows.

That figure will likely just be the start, Siu said, adding that more cameras will likely need to be installed.

The move comes amid an ongoing crackdown on public protest, peaceful activism and freedom of speech in Hong Kong in the wake of the 2019 democracy movement. Thousands have been arrested on public order charges and hundreds under the 2020 National Security Law, which bans criticism of the authorities or references to the protests.

As early as 2019, protesters were damaging and toppling controversial “smart lampposts” that had been newly installed in the city, saying their specification included facial recognition functions, although officials said at the time they hadn’t been activated.

More than 600 cameras will be installed as early as March, in addition to CCTV networks already installed in public housing estates and government cultural and leisure facilities, Siu said.

No need to worry

He said the use of facial recognition technology to track people caught by the cameras was also likely in future.

“We are still in the preparation phase, but we will not rule out the possibility [of using facial recognition] as technological advancements can definitely help us be more effective in law enforcement and other areas,” Siu said in comments also reported by the South China Morning Post newspaper.

“Citizens do not have to worry. Police will make use of these technologies to combat crimes, but we will do so lawfully,” he said.

There is also concern that a massive network of 5G networked bodycams increasingly worn by police officers in the city could result in a facial recognition system similar to China’s, according to opposition politicians, sparking fears that the city will soon be subject to totalitarian monitoring.

Exiled former pro-democracy lawmaker Ted Hui said the cameras were more likely to be used to target political suspects rather than street criminals, however.

“The Hong Kong police have been focused on preventing political crimes over the past four years,” Hui said, adding that he expects to see cameras installed at former protest hotspots like Victoria Park, Causeway Bay, the Legislative Council and government headquarters.

“They could also use them outside of court buildings when political cases are being heard to record the details of people attending sporadic and spontaneous protests, then using the information to settle scores later on,” he said. “This is the most worrying thing.”

Article 23

Just installing cameras in locations like the subway could scoop up vast amounts of information, given the density of Hong Kong’s population, said Alric Lee, Executive Director of the Japan Hong Kong Democracy Alliance.

He said the cameras, combined with a suite of new “national security” offenses in forthcoming Article 23 legislation, could enable police to keep tabs on people remotely.

“While the police normally don’t have the manpower to keep tabs on everyone, with a system like this they can use big data to identify key figures,” Lee said. “Cameras with facial recognition in MTR stations alone would collect data on a huge number of people.”

“Used in conjunction with the Article 23 legislation, it could become a new tool for prosecutions,” he said. 

Taiwanese national security researcher Shih Chien-yu said large numbers of surveillance cameras in Hong Kong raise concerns that the city could become as heavily monitored as China’s northwestern Xinjiang region.

“Beijing knows that it hasn’t convinced many in Hong Kong, and people will worry about Xinjiangization,” Shih said. “These cameras can rotate through 360 degrees and the use of AI technology will then basically cover all groups of people and all kinds of activities.”

“There is a strong symbolic message here, which is to warn Hong Kongers to stop thinking about democracy, or about rising up, resisting or speaking out,” he said. 

Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Malcolm Foster.

Police near Vientiane found 47 sex workers – including four girls under 18 years old – during a raid of nightclubs, restaurants and karaoke bars that was prompted by complaints from local residents.

The entertainment venues in suburban Pak Ngum district must by law close at midnight but instead stay open until near dawn and have a reputation of secretly offering sex services, according to a district police officer, who like other sources in this report requested for anonymity for safety reasons

“Some of the arrested girls were students,” the officer said of the Feb. 9 raid. “They didn’t go to school and they had problems in their families. So, they worked in these venues as prostitutes.”

Laos’ criminal code states that those convicted of prostitution can face sentences of between three months and one year in prison or can be ordered to undergo “re-education” and to pay fines of between 500,000 kip (US$25) and 3 million kip (US$150).

After initial interrogations, police determined that most of the arrested women and girls were from poor, rural families from across Laos, the officer said. Police were investigating whether any human trafficking was involved.

It was unclear if those detained in the raids would face charges. It was also unknown whether any establishment owners were arrested.  

Residents have also complained of drug use and online gambling at the nightclubs and karaoke bars, in addition to all-night noise. 

The venues are located northeast of the capital along Route 13, Laos’ busiest highway.

One owner of a small karaoke bar called on authorities to also inspect the larger establishments in Pak Ngum district. Only three entertainment venues in the area are run by Laotians, he said.

“The rest belong to the Chinese,” he said. “If Lao venues stay open later than midnight, they will be fined right away or ordered to be shut down. But if Chinese venues stay open until dawn, they’ll never get fined. And it’s OK for them to provide sex service too.”

The larger nightclubs and karaoke bars are tipped off when authorities are planning an inspection or raid, an official from the district’s Propaganda and Re-education Department told Radio Free Asia.

“They hide all the prostitutes and drugs. These venues are supported by the powerful,” he said. “So the police only crack down on the small venues.”

Translated by Max Avary. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.