Protests erupt throughout Myanmar ahead of Cambodian PM Hun Sen visit

Protests erupted across Myanmar on Thursday ahead of the planned visit of rotating Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) chair and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, with activists angered over what they see as his support for the military regime and its repressive rule.

In Tanintharyi region’s Launglon township, students and other youths gathered early in the morning to express their disapproval with Hun Sen. A spokesman for the Dawei District Democracy Movement Strike Committee said that the visit would confer legitimacy on the junta that has failed to implement any steps to solve the country’s political crisis it agreed to in an April ASEAN meeting.

“He is the dictator of Cambodia. It is completely impossible for someone like him to mediate in our country’s affairs,” the spokesman said, as protesters stomped on photos of Hun Sen, which they later burned.

“The military junta has implemented none of the five-point ASEAN recommendations so far, so coming here to our country to mediate implementation of the recommendations means nothing to us. It won’t do any good and that’s why we are protesting.”

Protesters said that as a regular violator of human rights, Hun Sen is unlikely to hold the junta to account for their own abuses and expressed frustration for what they see as his support for the military regime.

Hun Sen, who assumed ASEAN chairmanship in October, and Special Envoy to Myanmar Prasat Khun were initially scheduled to arrive in Myanmar on Jan. 7 to meet with junta chief Snr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. However, on Thursday the visit was moved to Jan. 8. Myanmar’s military regime has yet to release any statement on the change.

A source close to Myanmar’s Foreign Ministry, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to security concerns, told RFA’s Myanmar Service he was unsure whether the Cambodian government had postponed the trip but that the junta had not.

In recent days, three bombs have been set off near the Cambodian Embassy in Yangon in protest of Hun Sen, while leaflets decrying the visit were distributed in Burmese, English and Khmer near the site. Armed groups have warned that they will not be responsible for the security of any diplomats who recognize the military government, while earlier this week, hundreds of anti-junta groups issued a statement urging Hun Sen to call off the visit.

On Wednesday, Hun Sen dismissed the suggestion that he would be soft on Myanmar, despite concerns that the trip — the first by a foreign leader since Myanmar’s Feb. 1, 2021, coup — would bolster Min Aung Hlaing, whose forces stand accused of committing widespread atrocities since the takeover.

Min Aung Hlaing initially signaled to ASEAN that he would end the violence in his country and allow the bloc to send an envoy to monitor the situation following an emergency meeting in April. However, after months of failing to implement any steps to do so, relations between the two sides have spiraled down, with ASEAN choosing not to invite junta delegations to several high-profile meetings, including its annual summit.

Meanwhile, more than 8,400 civilians have been arrested and 1,443 killed by junta authorities since February, according to the Bangkok-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, mostly during non-violent protests of the coup.

‘No benefit to the people’

Boh Nagar, a leading member of Sagaing region’s Depayin Township Revolutionary Strike Committee, told RFA that more than 1,000 locals took part in anti-Hun Sen protests in four different locations in Depayin on Wednesday and Thursday.

“We protested for two days. It was a protest under the headline, ‘Hun Sen must not set foot in Myanmar,’” he said.

“Our people still do not accept the coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and his minions. They are not recognized [as the country’s leaders].”

Nearly 500 villagers from the Sagaing townships of Yinmabin and Salingyi also protested Thursday over Hun Sen’s visit.

“We are here to show our opposition against the Cambodian dictator Hun Sen, who is giving support to Myanmar’s military dictator,” one of the protest leaders told RFA.

“We are here to tell Hun Sen not to come to our country because we don’t recognize his support for the junta.”

The group, which has been protesting daily against the coup, protested Hun Sen’s visit today. A protest leader in Sagaing’s Kalay township told RFA that Hun Sen’s visit “will not benefit the people of Myanmar in any way.”

“He is a guy who wants to work hand in glove with the coup leader Min Aung Hlaing and we cannot accept it at all because it comes in the form of recognizing the junta,” the protest leader said.

Residents step on a photo of Hun Sen during a protest in Sagaing's Kalay township, Jan. 6, 2022. RFA
Residents step on a photo of Hun Sen during a protest in Sagaing’s Kalay township, Jan. 6, 2022. RFA

Security tightened

Meanwhile, as authorities prepared to welcome Hun Sen to the capital Naypyidaw, a resident said that security had been drastically upgraded, with roads closed to traffic near hotels for state guests and police and soldiers deployed along the route from the airport.

“Fully armed soldiers are guarding every road and alley,” said the resident, who declined to be named. “Police and military vehicles are patrolling the city. Security is very tight.”

Barbed wire barricades on the Pyinmana-Taungnyo Road in Naypyidaw, which had been closed since the coup last year, were removed on Thursday. The road was the site of huge anti-coup protests in February and a young woman named Mya Thwei Thwei Khaing became one of the first civilians to die after being shot in the head by police.

Reported by RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

Vietnamese official returns ‘gift’ in COVID test-kit scandal

A senior Vietnamese health official has pledged to return a donation given by a COVID testing company as part of a growing bribery scandal that has already ensnared several corporate executives and government workers, Vietnamese sources say.

Nguyen Van Sau, director of the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) for southern Vietnam’s Binh Phuoc province, said on Jan. 2 that he will return the donation, described as a “gift” of unnamed value, given in December by the Viet A Company, which won a bid to provide test kits to the province.

Around 90,000 kits were sold to Binh Phuoc at a value over VND 40 billion (U.S. $1.75 million) but were overpriced and did not meet international standards set by the World Health Organization, according to media reports.

The Viet A Company had earlier claimed WHO approval in an April 2020 announcement, state media said.

“But in fact, the WHO only gave its approval to assess the kits for effectiveness and had not approved their use,” Trinh Thanh Hung, deputy director general in the Ministry of Science and Technology’s Department of Science and Technology, is quoted as saying in local media reports.

The value of the gift received by Sau was not publicly disclosed, but a panel set up by the Binh Phuoc Health Department will oversee its return, the department said.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Public Security on Dec. 31 announced a widening of the case against the Viet A Company and government agencies across the country, with company leaders Phan Quoc Viet and Vu Dinh Hiep and Hai Duong provincial CDC director Pham Duy Tien charged with “giving and taking a bribe valued at VND 27 billion,” or about U.S. $1.18 million.

Twelve officials from the Ministry of Science and Technology and Ministry of Health have also been arrested, with three now facing charges of “abusing their position and rights while performing official duties.” Nine others have been charged with “violating bidding regulations, causing serious consequences.”

Sau’s pledge to return his gift may have been forced by the Ministry of Public Security’s moves against other officials involved in the case, a health expert from southern Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh City said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons.

“The most important thing will be to see how far they pursue this, as many individuals have been found to be involved in the case from the central government to provincial and business leaders,” he said. “It’s noteworthy that they are all ‘top brass’ and not just the rank and file.”

Investigators may deal with the case only within limits, though, as “their goal will be to combat corruption and recover some state assets,” he said.

“I think they will not use a really heavy hand, as they would face the risk of losing their regime.”

Anti-corruption expert Pham Quy Tho said the giving and receiving of “staggering commissions” has been a subject of discussion in Vietnam for many years but has never been effectively addressed.

“The question raised by this particular high-profile case is how enterprises can operate in a one-party rule environment where government officials’ morals have deteriorated,” he said.

“Will the Central Steering Committee be able to promote institutional reforms before everything gets worse, or will it just continue to ‘enter the fight’ in order to deal with the consequences?”

Reported by RFA’s Vietnamese Service. Translated by Anna Vu. Written in English by Richard Finney.

Uyghurs in Turkey file criminal complaint against Chinese for abuses in Xinjiang

A group of relatives of detained or disappeared Uyghurs in China filed a criminal complaint with a Turkish prosecutor’s office on Tuesday accusing 112 Chinese government officials of committing genocide, crimes against humanity, torture and rape in the far-western Xinjiang region.

Chinese President Xi Jinping and Chen Quanguo, former Communist Party secretary of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, are among the Chinese officials named in the complaint for bearing some responsibility for the persecution of 116 detainees.

The filing of the case by 19 plaintiffs was announced at a press conference in front of the Çağlayan Justice Palace in Istanbul and organized by the Camp Detainees Forum, which includes Turkey-based relatives of Uyghur camp inmates.

Representatives from various political parties in Turkey, human rights lawyers, officials from Turkish civil society organizations, journalists and representatives of Uyghur organizations, such as the Uyghur Meshrep Foundation, Union of Cities, Federation of East Turkistanis, and East Turkistan Human Rights Watch Association, attended the event.

Gülden Sönmez, a human rights advocate and attorney for the plaintiffs in the case, told RFA that the lawsuit was based on the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows national courts to prosecute individuals for serious crimes against international law.

“The complaint includes crimes such as genocide, torture, rape and sexual violence, as well as intentional homicide and threats to free will and of crimes against humanity,” Sönmez said.

She said that she expects the Turkish justice system to issue arrest warrants for all 112 Chinese officials and to try them for their alleged crimes.

“Among the complainants are our Turkish compatriots,” she said. “The Turkish judiciary has a duty to initiate a legal process involving at least Turkish citizens detained in China.

“This is not a case with a political motive,” she said. “We hope that the 112 Chinese officials involved in the detention of both Turkish citizens and East Turkistan victims of Chinese citizenship will be issued arrest warrants and that they will be extradited to the Turkish judiciary under the extradition mechanism.”

China is believed to have held up to 1.8 million Uyghurs and other Turkic minorities in detention camps in Xinjiang. The government has said the facilities are vocation training centers and has denied widespread and documented allegations that it has mistreated and tortured incarcerated Muslims.

Turkey has been one of the most hospitable countries to Uyghurs, with whom Turks share ethnic, religious and linguistic ties. Turkey’s government has offered roughly 50,000 Uyghurs a safe place to live outside northwestern China’s Xinjiang region. They constitute the largest Uyghur diaspora outside Central Asia.

But Turkey and China also have tight economic and political ties. For that reason, Javlan Shirmemet, a leader of the Camp Detainees Forum, said members of the group are concerned Turkey’s Ministry of Justice will not respond to their complaint. If the Justice Ministry accepts the complaint, it could lead to a political crisis between the two countries, he said.

The Turkish and Chinese governments ratified a treaty in December 2020 for the extradition of individuals to the People’s Republic of China. The agreement is purportedly an anti-terrorism measure, but critics see it as a way for China to target Uyghur exiles.

The complaint comes amid actions by other countries to target Chinese officials deemed responsible for alleged atrocities against some of the 12 million predominantly Muslim Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Those actions include public condemnations, economic sanctions, bans on the importation of goods found to be made with Uyghur forced labor, and diplomatic boycotts of the Beijing Winter Olympics in February.

In early December, the Uyghur Tribunal, an independent people’s tribunal in London, determined that China has committed genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang.

The tribunal also found that Xi Jinping, Chen Quanguo, and other senior government officials in the Chinese Communist Party bore primary responsibility for the abuses. Although the tribunal is non-binding and has no state backing, Uyghur groups have responded to the findings of genocide and crimes against humanity by preparing or proceeding with lawsuits in Argentina and the United Kingdom.

Translated by the Uyghur Service. Written in English by Roseanne Gerin.

Interview: ‘In my darkest hours, I looked up at the stars’

Han Xiu is a writer and former professor at the State Department’s Foreign Service Institute and Johns Hopkins University who has published more than 50 books in a career spanning some 40 years. Born in Manhattan in 1946 to U.S. military attache Willie Hanen and Chinese actress Zhao Yunru, Han was brought to China by her mother at the age of just 18 months. There she grew up in Beijing, living with her grandmother and reading ancient classical texts. She was lonely all the way through elementary school and high school. Nobody would share a desk with her, so she always sat in the very back row, alone. Here she speaks to RFA’s Vienna Tang about her long life and her survival against the odds:

RFA: You’ve said that your childhood ended abruptly at the age of eight. What happened that made you grow up overnight?

Han Xiu: Nothing special. I didn’t know what the U.S. had done in the Panama Canal and why there was a gathering at the Tiananmen Square. I attended the Mishi Street Elementary School, not far away from Tiananmen Square, and teachers would take the students there to attend events. There were parades, rallies, slogans and all sorts of weird things. Some people stacked the portrait of President Eisenhower and some American flags together into a circle. Suddenly, my teacher saw me. He looked at the circle and told me to stand there. Very soon, the flags and the portrait were set on fire. Ashes flew up. President Eisenhower was the American president that I remember best, every little detail of his face, because I witnessed his portrait burning up in the air and falling to earth as ashes. That circle was also interesting. It kind of looked like the Target logo. All I knew back then was that I was nothing more than a target. I was eight years old, and in second grade.  

RFA: The teacher did this to you because your father was an American. I know that you had a chance to attend Tsinghua University when you were 17, but you didn’t make it because of your father’s nationality?

Han Xiu: In fact, the exam papers were sealed. My papers were stamped with the words “This student shall not be admitted.” The general secretary of the party branch, whose last name was Zhou, told me that I could write a 200-word short essay saying my father was an enemy of the Chinese people and that the U.S. was the enemy of China. She said that if I wrote this, the door to Tsinghua University would be open and waiting for mw. I asked her, “What if I don’t?” She said, “If you don’t, then you’ll go to Shanxi tomorrow.”

RFA: So you packed up and went?

Han Xiu: I said, then I’ll go home to pack up.

RFA: Though you only met her father shortly after you were born, in your mind your father was always tall and perfect and not to be desecrated.

Han Xiu: When I was born in Manhattan, he stood outside of the newborn room to look at me; the nurse was holding me in her arms. There was a picture in a folder that a DoD official brought me when I returned to the U.S. in 1978. It was only then that I learned that my father had seen me before. Of course, I wouldn’t have seen my father. I was so little, a newborn, an infant. We didn’t have any exchanges afterwards, because he was assigned to New Zealand. By the time he heard about my news I was already en route to China by sea. I arrived at Shanghai on Sept. 19, 1948. Nothing could have been done then.

My grandma had told me when I was little that she had met my father once in Chongqing. My father was a U.S. military attaché assigned to Chongqing. He was in charge of the Hump, the lifeline to China over the Himalayas. The Himalayan lifeline is the route, literally a lifeline, that transported war supplies from the Burmese border to China and helped the Chinese government and the Chinese people resist Japan. Therefore, my father was a friend of the Chinese people, not an enemy. This is what I have known since I was little. There’s one other thing, that when an entire society alleges that a country is bad, that a person is bad, there must be something wrong with that society. It’s not one that I would trust.

RFA: You came to realize that at such a young age?

Han Xiu: Of course. I was a target, myself. I was so young, and they were already treating me as a target. I could of course sense how vicious their intentions were and how cruel their actions were. So rebelling was instantaneous. Besides, I have always been an outsider. I was never one of them. As a result, I have always looked at China with a calm pair of eyes.

RFA: You also lived in the countryside and in Xinjiang for 12 years?

Han Xiu: Yes.

RFA:  You went through a lot in those 12 years. Could you share with us what impressed you the most?  

Han Xiu: There were many things: the kindness of the Shanxi people to me, the kindness of peasants to me versus the cruelty of the army corps. The contrast between those two extremes was very clear. As for Xinjiang, the sentiment there was that everything about Chairman Mao, for example the Quotations from Chairman Mao, was sacrosanct. Take those plaster statues of Chairman Mao for instance. If you broke them, there would be dire consequences. There was one young man from Shanghai. He was dismissive of other peers from Shanghai who were engaged in romantic relations and undignified behavior. They wanted to give him a hard time, and their tactics were very simple. The bathroom was public, and there were no doors. Someone reported that they found a book of quotations from Chairman Mao in the pile that this young man used as toilet paper. He was instantly found guilty of being an active anti-revolutionist. He eventually died in the labor camp.

The peasants of Shanxi cared a lot about my safety. When the Cultural Revolution began, the Red Guards were everywhere smashing property and looting. They killed people and set things on fire. There was nothing they wouldn’t do. So the people in Shanxi told me to get away, the farther the better. If the Red Guards came, I would be the first one they beat to death. There was a guy in the Baidian village where the sent-down youth stayed. His father was a senior cadre in the Party. However, his father sided with Liu Shaoqi, so this young man was beaten to death. I am forever grateful for the kindness and love that the people of Shanxi showed me.

RFA:  I’d like to talk about your mother. She graduated from the Nanjing National Drama School. She had also shared the stage with Taojin, Zhang Ruifang and Qin Yi. Did she ever tell you about that part of her life?

Han Xiu: When she handed me to an American couple, she never wanted to see me again. We were on a military vessel, at a time when Asia was still a vast battleground. China was at war. When she sent me, an 18-month-old child, to Shanghai, she had no intention of ever seeing that child again.  I was always a piece of baggage to her, a burden to be gotten rid of if she could. She did not return to China until the 50s. I had been with my grandmother for a few years. She never said anything about my father. Then the Cultural Revolution began. It was only when the rebels came to our house and mentioned my father in front of me and her that she acknowledged his existence. My grandmother had told me about my father, so I was not surprised. She kept on emphasizing her so-called relationship with left-leaning [diplomat] John Stewart Service, but this was just an arrangement by Zhou Enlai.

RFA: John S. Service was the Second Secretary in the American Embassy in Chungking [now known as Chongqing] in the 1940s. He was part of the Dixie Mission to Yan’an to meet with Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, and others. He was one of the first American diplomats who suggested that the United States should shift its support from the Nationalist government to the Chinese Communists.

Han Xiu: After his return from Yan’an, John Service and the left-leaning staffers in the American Embassy had painted a whitewashed picture of Yan’an in their reports to the U.S. State Department. When I was in high school, I actually danced with Zhou Enlai at a ball. There was no one around us; no one could hear us.  Zhou was all smiles while we danced. I felt that he was in the mood to talk, so I asked him about something that had been on my mind for many years. I asked him, what do you think of John Service and his friends, including Edgar Snow and Anna Louise Strong? He said they didn’t have anything to offer. They were nothing to him. His contempt was utterly explicit. Soon afterwards, I left Beijing for the countryside, with no future ahead of me. But this was how Zhou Enlai thought of them. I don’t think he was lying.

RFA: In The Unwanted, you describe your mother as selfish and cruel. She would burn you with cigarette butts and slash your skirts. During the Cultural Revolution, she even reported you as a “descendant of American imperialism.” These stories ring very true. Are they?

Han Xiu: Yes. These were the facts. Nothing but facts. There are many things that I don’t think are worth further discussion. When I left Xinjiang, I saw the large number of materials she had sent to Xinjiang to report me. Any part of those materials could have killed me. The papers were piled 18 inches high. Back then, Deng Xiaoping’s office had sent a message to Xinjiang, saying “this person is not suitable to stay in Xinjiang.” This was referring to me.  I could not see the upper or bottom parts of that letter; I only saw that one line. But the letter was from Deng’s office.  The letter said “this person is not suitable to stay in Xinjiang,” so the Xinjiang army corps decided to send me back to Beijing.

But on the eve of my departure, the political work official couldn’t keep quiet any longer. He said that he had never seen a mother like this in his life who would put her child in harm’s way. He said the reports she sent denouncing me made a pile 18 inches high, and that they should have burned them all to ashes. But they wanted to give me a chance to look at them. The papers were carbon copies, so multiple copies had been made. “When you arrive in Beijing, [he warned me], your employer or work placement office will be sure to have a copy. You should be aware of this.” So, yes, I read the things she sent.

RFA: Why do you think your mother would do this to you?

Han Xiu: Of course she would.  Didn’t I tell you earlier? I was just baggage. She would do anything to get rid of me. She was what she was. We will not talk about this. There was no affection. I still brought her to the United States after she did so many evil things. She was able to come because I brought her here. But what did she do to me after she got here?

RFA: She planted a bugging device in your house?

Han Xiu: Yes. What else can I say about something so disheartening?

RFA: What do you think of those who went back from overseas to the New China but endured unfortunate and tragic treatment later?  What are your thoughts?

Han Xiu:  This is a topic that will never cease to be discussed. Many people will never understand what the Chinese Communists are about. They will never understand to what absurd lengths a tyrannical regime will go. So those people will always fantasize. They have fantasies. Mr. Shu Qingchun [the writer Lao She] was tricked back to China. Zhao Yunru was one of the accomplices who tricked him. Zhao Qingge, Lao She’s collaborator in earlier days, was another. These people put a great deal of effort into fooling him into going back. But then look what happened after Lao She went back. [The writer suffered mental and physical abuse at the hands of Red Guards, including being paraded in public as a “counterrevolutionary,” and later took his own life.]

RFA: In your latest publication, the collection of your essays, you write that “the flame that burns deep in my heart is my relentless pursuit of the beauty of humanity.” You have endured so many things unimaginable to the majority of people. What kind of strength has sustained you to keep that flame alive?

Han Xiu: I am a person who has undergone numerous deaths. To me, every day that I am alive is an extra bonus. I would like do something valuable in the extra days that I’ve earned. Why am I so interested in writing biographies of artists? Because they have bestowed the ultimate beauty on this world. Oscar Wilde once said: “We are all in the gutter … but some of us are looking at the stars.” I am someone who looks at the stars. In my darkest times, I looked at the stars.

Translated by Vienna Tang. Edited by Luisetta Mudie.

Japan, Australia sign defense pact seen as response to China

Leaders of Japan and Australia signed at a virtual summit on Thursday a new agreement that paves the way for future defense cooperation between the two countries – a move that analysts viewed as a response to a rising China.

Experts familiar with the negotiations said it would allow Australia and Japan to expand practical military cooperation including access to each other’s military facilities, secure port access, landing rights, logistic support, security arrangements and legal regimes.

A joint statement released after Thursday’s summit said Prime Minister Scott Morrison and his Japanese counterpart Fumio Kishida “signed the landmark Reciprocal Access Agreement between Australia and Japan (Australia-Japan RAA), underscoring their commitment to further elevating bilateral security and defence cooperation in the interests of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.”

The two leaders would “pursue the completion of respective domestic procedures necessary to give effect to the Australia-Japan RAA as early as possible.”

It will be followed by a new Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation at a later date to provide more detailed guidelines for the future cooperation.

The new agreement would facilitate joint military activities and exercises “including those of greater scale and complexity, while improving the interoperability and capability of the two countries’ forces,” the statement said.

Australia and Japan have been negotiating the RAA since 2014 and only reached a basic agreement on it in 2020.

The pact is the first of its kind Japan has struck with another country, made possible since Tokyo moved away from the constraints of Japan’s post-war constitution which outlawed war as a means to settle international disputes.

A file photo showing crew members from the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense force ship Umigiri standing on deck between Japan's Self-Defense Force flag alongside an Australian flag before joint military exercises at Garden Island Naval Base in Sydney, Australia, April 19, 2016. Credit: Reuters
A file photo showing crew members from the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense force ship Umigiri standing on deck between Japan’s Self-Defense Force flag alongside an Australian flag before joint military exercises at Garden Island Naval Base in Sydney, Australia, April 19, 2016. Credit: Reuters

‘A rising China’

The new agreement was described by Prime Minister Scott Morrison as a “pivotal moment for Australia and Japan and (for) the security of our two nations and our people” amid China’s increasing assertiveness and military expansion.

Malcolm Davis, a senior analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, said: “It really is about a rising China.”

“It sends an important message to Beijing, that Australia and Japan are now working much more closely together to shape the regional environment, deter threats and respond to those threats if necessary,” he said.

Seijiro Takeshita, a professor at the University of Shizuoka in Japan, said under the threats of China’s aggression, “we need all the help we could get.”

“More coalition and more strong ties, especially in this region, is a necessity,” he said.

Most of the joint statement focuses on security and defense cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and beyond, with a confirmation that “Australia and Japan will play a significant role in realizing a free and open Indo-Pacific.”

On the situation in the South China Sea, the two leaders shared “serious concerns” and “underlined the importance of being able to exercise rights and freedoms consistent with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).”

“They reaffirmed their strong objection to China’s unlawful maritime claims and activities that are inconsistent with UNCLOS,” the statement said, adding that “the 2016 South China Sea Arbitral Tribunal decision is final and legally binding on the parties to the dispute.”

“They strongly opposed any unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force.”

Many points of the new agreement echo what was engraved in the AUKUS defense pact that Australia signed last year with the U.K. and the U.S that was strongly criticized by Beijing.

It also builds on efforts by the U.S., Japan, India and Australia – dubbed the Quad – to work on shared concerns about China.

But unlike the Quad – “a four-way coalition that is geographically and economically dispersed” – one-on-one cooperation deals would be helpful for Japan in the region, said Takeshita from the University of Shizuoka.

Just before the two prime ministers met, a Chinese spokesman said that any agreements between countries should promote regional peace.

Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson Wang Wenbin warned that “state-to-state exchanges and cooperation should be conducive to enhancing mutual understanding and trust among countries in the region and safeguarding regional peace and stability, rather than targeting or undermining the interests of any third party.”

“We hope that the Pacific will be an ocean of peace, not a place to make waves,” Wang told reporters in Beijing.

Accounts receivables software Chaser celebrates helping businesses recover $10 billion in late payments

Chaser has chased $10 billion in late payments

LONDON, Jan. 06, 2022 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) —  Chaser, the global accounts receivables automation software and credit control service provider, has a good reason to celebrate the start of 2022: it has achieved the milestone of helping users chase and recover $10 billion in late payments. This is aligned with the company’s mission to help businesses worldwide get paid in an efficient and friendly way so that they improve cash flow.

Chaser enhances the way that businesses chase unpaid invoices and makes it easier for customers to pay their suppliers. Using the end-to-end accounts receivables software Chaser, businesses can schedule, track, and chase invoice payments automatically, until payment is received. On average, 48% of invoices are paid late every month (Xero and Paypal, 2019), which causes difficulty forecasting, cash flow strains, stifling business growth, and hours of employee time spent following up on overdue payments. In fact, 30% of businesses believe late payments are affecting their ability to keep their business open (Businesswire, 2021).

Businesses using Chaser to manage their accounts receivables have seen results such as recovering $26,600 of late payments from customers in just 30 minutes, getting invoices paid an average of 54 days faster, and saving over 15 hours per week on receivables tasks. See more Chaser user stories here.

This signifies a huge step towards helping businesses reduce the late payments that cause cash flow strains and business failures year after year. By adopting a structured accounts receivables process and using an automation tool like Chaser, businesses globally can improve their cash flow and reduce the risk of late payments to their business.

“By using the software to manage the accounts receivables process end-to-end, businesses can efficiently and effectively follow up on invoices, reducing late payments and improving cash flow. Chaser continues to develop features and functionalities to help businesses worldwide automate their processes and reduce late payments, and will be launching SMS chasing in early-2022 to support users further.” – Sonia Dorais, CEO of Chaser.

MEDIA CONTACT:

marketing@chaserhq.com

ABOUT CHASER

Chaser helps businesses get paid sooner with award-winning all-in-one accounts receivables automation platform, debt collections agency, and outsourced credit control services.

Users can credit check, monitor debtors, chase invoices, collect payments, recover debt and reconcile accounts, all in the same unique platform.

By sending automatic and deeply personalized payment reminders, the software and service provider gets invoices paid on time without losing the human touch.

Chaser was named the Accounting Excellence “Cloud App of the Year” three years in a row (2017, 2018, and 2019), Xero’s “App Partner of the Year” (2016), and App Partner of the Month (August 2019).

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