Future Remains Cloudy for Exiled Myanmar Journalists in Thailand

It has been more than a year since Myanmar’s military seized power in a putsch that sent thousands fleeing the country. Among them were scores of media professionals who took up refuge here in Thailand.

Some have since moved on or resettled elsewhere, but others stayed in Thailand, living in fear of police roundup or deportation back to Myanmar.

“Their long-term residential status is the biggest challenge of being exiled, regardless of wherever they are,” longtime Myanmar journalist Aung Naing Soe, now living in Thailand, said in an interview.

Several initiatives have been launched by media organizations in Thailand for the journalists from Myanmar, providing them with financial and legal assistance so they can continue to run their news operations here, or at least avoid run-ins with authorities.

Aung Naing Soe, however, who is familiar with the reporters in exile, said more could be done.

“It will be helpful if there are any organizations helping them to get legal immigration status by helping them to resettle in a third country then help them to get back to Thai-Myanmar border legally,” he said. “Many undocumented exiled Myanmar journalists need a break and they also need mental health assistance.”

Not knowing who’s next

Thailand has been a major destination and transit point for those fleeing unrest in Myanmar for decades. Last year’s coup brought a new wave of refugees, including journalists, though observers say it is difficult to say how many are still in Thailand.

“Some left earlier on, say March 2021,” Johanna Son, who runs Reporting ASEAN, a website that monitors civil rights developments in Myanmar and the region, said. “Others tried to make it work, some found that it was not possible or wise to stay on and take their chances.”

Chavarong Limpattamapanee, president of the National Press Council of Thailand, estimated that at least 180 media professionals who fled the 2021 coup are in Thailand, most of them in the north, in border locations such as Mae Sot.

“And nearly all of them are very, very scared of being found or arrested,” he said.

Thailand is not a signatory to the U.N. Refugee Convention, which bars governments from sending refugees to their home countries if they face threats to their life.

“Those who entered Thailand legally and want to stay face significant challenges in maintaining legal status,” Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia Division, said. “While others who simply crossed the border face the threat of arrest for illegal entry, and possible deportation, at any time.”

In May of last year, five Myanmar journalists working for the Democratic Voice of Burma¸ an independent news organization in Chiang Mai, in the northern part of the country, were arrested. Although they were later allowed to resettle elsewhere, the incident spread fear among exiles.

In April, five Vietnamese asylum seekers were arrested in Bangkok, despite holding U.N. refugee status.

“The threat of harassment and detention by Thai police is always present, especially in towns … where the journalists have concentrated,” Robertson said.

Allies in the media

Against this backdrop of uncertainty, some organizations are helping Myanmar journalists with financial and equipment aid, helping them navigate Thai visas, as well as helping them depart to third countries, Robertson said.

One group is the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand, which collected money and equipment for Myanmar journalists, some of whom had to abandon nearly everything when they fled Myanmar.

“A little equipment and some funds go a long way for journalists that were forced to vacate their newsrooms in cities and towns but still wanted to continue reporting from wherever they are,” club president Panu Wongcha-um said.

The club also held exhibitions of the work of freelance Myanmar journalists, with proceeds going directly to them.

“It is surprising how little some of these photographers get paid in light of the danger and the importance to what they are documenting,” Panu said.

Chavarong, from the National Press Council, a network of Thai media agencies, said his group held discussions with the local authorities to convince them not to arrest or deport the journalists in hiding.

“We ask them not to be overzealous,” Chavarong said. “We explain to them that journalists from Myanmar do not pose any threat to Thailand, that they are here to seek refuge for their own safety.”

Looking ahead

There have been cases of Myanmar media professionals successfully resettling in other countries. The exact number is kept under wraps by both the governments involved and the U.N. Refugee Agency, due to the Thai sensitivities about the junta knowing just how many refugees have gotten out to safety through Thailand, Robertson said.

“Those who have gone overseas have either done so because they were sent by their network, like Democratic Voice of Burma,” he said, “or because they believe they can still work as journalists reporting on Myanmar from there.”

What is certain, though, is that many media professionals have stayed behind to report on Myanmar from Thailand for various reasons.

“While people continue to find ways to leave – not just journalists – many don’t necessarily find the idea of moving to, say, the West, an appealing idea,” Reporting ASEAN’s Son, said. “Some are OK with it, but far from everyone is. Many also are hoping things will change so they can go back. Many who stay, stay because they have family, sick relatives.”

“Clearly, the time for exiled media is back, after just a decade,” she said, referring to Myanmar’s previous period of junta rule.

Aung Naing Soe said many Myanmar journalists applied for resettlement in other countries as they have no other option left for their safe and long-term legal residential status. But still, many others decided to remain along the border or in Thailand.

“No one wants to flee Myanmar, and even [if] we had to flee, we still want to remain close to our home,” he said.

 

 

Source: Voice of America

Fact Finders Try to Combat Disinformation Before Philippine Election

On Monday the Philippines will elect a new president. On top of all the campaigning, voters have faced a barrage of disinformation, particularly on social media.

Thirty-five-year-old Mary Grace Glorioso is watching Facebook and YouTube to get news about the Philippines presidential race. She has narrowed her choice to two candidates. One is Leni Robredo, the current vice president, but Glorioso is leaning toward the heavy frontrunner, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., because of what she hears about him on social media.

The Philippines will prosper if he wins and bring back the golden days, Glorioso said.

The Golden Days is a common theme on social media, referring to the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-80s, when Marcos’ father, the late dictator was president. But the phrase whitewashes history. The reality is thousands of people, including political opponents and activists, were tortured, killed or disappeared. The Marcos family is accused of stealing $5 billion to $10 billion when Marcos Sr. was in power. Observers say revisionist history is part of a trend on social media to accompany positive posts about Marcos Jr. and negative ones for Robredo.

Che de los Reyes leads the fact check team at ABS-CBN News, one of dozens of media outlets, universities and civil society groups that are combating disinformation. De los Reyes acknowledges that fact checkers face an uphill battle.

“It’s so easy to manufacture a false claim, right? You don’t need to do anything much,” she said. “You can just keep on churning and churning falsehoods, false claims, but fact checking takes a lot of time.”underlined changes OK?”

Marcos Jr. has told local media his campaign is not behind any disinformation but Cleve Arguelles, a political science lecturer at De La Salle University in Manila, has noticed some trends.

“You can really see the intimate connection between the official campaign and what trolls for example, what troll accounts for example would try to popularize and would try to trend on social media,” he said.

The question remains whether voters will base their decisions on information or disinformation.

 

 

Source: Voice of America

Malaysia Suggests ASEAN Engage Myanmar’s Shadow Government

Malaysia is calling on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to open informal channels with the shadow government of fellow member state Myanmar in a move quickly condemned by the military regime that seized control of the country’s government last year.

Frustrated by the junta’s failure to follow through on a five-point “consensus” peace plan for Myanmar that all 10 ASEAN members agreed to at an emergency meeting in April 2021, Malaysia had been hinting for months about reaching out to the country’s so-called National Unity Government.

Led from hiding and exile by members of the elected government the military toppled, the NUG claims to represent the true voice of Myanmar’s people, and declared war on the junta in September. The United Nations says the junta has killed hundreds of civilians since the coup and displaced hundreds of thousands in fighting with a nationwide armed resistance.

ASEAN countries have thus far engaged openly with the junta only.

In a Twitter message late last month, however, Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah revealed that he had had a virtual meeting with his NUG counterpart in February, the first time an ASEAN member had admitted to a contact with the shadow government. He went further at an April 30 press conference, announcing that Malaysia would propose to ASEAN that it engage with the NUG as a bloc.

“We are not proposing for ASEAN to recognize other governments, but such informal engagement may be conceivable, especially on how humanitarian aid to the people of Myanmar who are still in their country can be delivered,” Saifuddin said.

The junta, which has designated the NUG a terrorist group, responded on May 3, calling Malaysia’s proposal “irresponsible and reckless” in a statement published by the state-run news outlet The Global New Light of Myanmar.

“Such remarks could abet terrorism and violence in the country, hampering the Myanmar government’s anti-terrorism efforts and infringe international agreements related to combatting terrorism,” it said.

At the table

The peace plan the bloc agreed to last year called for an immediate end to the violence, dialogue “among all parties concerned,” and a special ASEAN envoy to help mediate that dialogue and meet with “all parties.” It also called for ASEAN to arrange humanitarian aid for Myanmar through the bloc’s own disaster response arm.

But with the junta still trying to crush the armed resistance by force, refusing to speak with the NUG and denying ASEAN’s envoys a meeting with the detained leader of the toppled government, Aung San Suu Kyi, the plan has “totally stalled,” said Hervé Lemahieu, research director at Australia’s Lowy Institute, a think tank.

He said Malaysia’s proposal to have ASEAN engage with the NUG as a bloc was its bid at breathing new life into the plan and forcing the junta to choose a negotiating partner.

“There’s the junta, and who’s on the opposite side of the table? And if it’s not Aung San Suu Kyi — and it doesn’t appear as if the junta’s willing to concede on that point; no one’s been able to meet her — then it has to be the NUG. So, I think it’s sort of trying to force a choice out of the military … and to reinject some momentum into what is an otherwise totally stalled five-point consensus,” he said.

For that to work, though, he said Malaysia will need to win buy-in from all members of a bloc still split over Myanmar between members critical of the junta and others, like Cambodia and Thailand, that seem to tacitly accept its control of the country. Even then, the bloc would need to sway a junta that has to date proven immune to international pressure, Lemahieu added.

Short of that, he said, just to establish regular, open contact with ASEAN would be a big win for the NUG, which is struggling to show control on the ground and has started to fade from the international spotlight.

“Seeing as the entire international community — and that’s everyone from the West to China — has given ASEAN the lead here in terms of how to move forward in this crisis, if ASEAN were to recognize the NUG as a party at the table, at the negotiating table, that would probably be the single biggest coup for the NUG that it’s had since its formation,” said Lemahieu.

Blocs within blocs

Bridget Welsh, a research associate at the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute-Malaysia, said the junta has been gradually gaining tacit recognition as Myanmar’s new government from not only some ASEAN members but bigger powers such as China and India.

Malaysia’s push to have ASEAN engage with the NUG “is kind of a step in the other direction,” she said.

“It makes it more difficult for the military to gain support in the international community when countries in Southeast Asia itself are more resistant to that,” she added. “It’s one thing for the West to be taking positions. … It’s very different for ASEAN to be saying, hey, you know, the military is not the only party in town.”

Welsh, though, believes ASEAN’s peace plan is effectively dead and that the bloc, which takes a position only when all 10 members agree, will never come together on how to deal with the unfolding crisis in Myanmar.

She said member states more sympathetic to Myanmar’s opposition — mainly Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore — were likely to forge their own path.

“It’s time to embrace difference as opposed to consensus,” she said. “And I think this is what the Malaysians are recognizing, is that they see the need to move away from the trend towards supporting and legitimizing the military because they know that this is something they’re not comfortable with and they also think it’s not productive and constructive for Myanmar longer-term.”

Besides piling political pressure on the junta, Welsh added, engaging with the NUG would also give countries and aid agencies an alternative to the military for delivering desperately needed assistance to displaced families and besieged communities. Rights groups and charities say the military is blocking deliveries to many areas.

Along with engaging with the NUG, Saifuddin has proposed doubling aid to Myanmar and hinted at working around the military to deliver it.

Lemahieu and Welsh said Malaysia’s proposal was likely to come up at a special summit ASEAN is set to hold with the United States on May 12 and 13, but would compete with the bloc’s other troubles and concerns and with Washington’s efforts to rally international support behind Ukraine in its war with Russia.

 

 

Source: Voice of America

WORKING VISIT OF THE DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, YB DATO’ KAMARUDIN JAFFAR TO THE UNITED KINGDOM FROM 8 TO 11 MAY 2022

The Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, YB Dato’ Kamarudin Jaffar, will undertake a working visit to the United Kingdom from 8 to 11 May 2022. The YB Deputy Minister will be accompanied by officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

 

During the visit, YB Deputy Minister is scheduled to meet the incumbent Secretary General of the Commonwealth, the Rt. Hon. Patricia Scotland to exchange views and discuss the way forward to further strengthen Malaysia-Commonwealth cooperation.

 

The Deputy Minister is also scheduled to receive YAB Prime Minister during the latter’s stopover in London on 10 May 2022, and subsequently accompany YAB Prime Minister to the “Tenun Pahang: Weaving Hope” exhibition at the High Commission of Malaysia, London. This is in conjunction with London Craft Week which will be held from 9 to 15 May 2022.

 

The Deputy Minister will be accompanying YAB Prime Minister to Sambutan Hari Raya with Keluarga Malaysia in London. This gathering will provide opportunities for YAB Prime Minister to engage with Keluarga Malaysia abroad on the initiatives introduced by the Government.

 

 

 

Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Malaysia

Brunei Steps Up Monitoring On Unexplained Acute Hepatitis

 

BANDAR SERI BEGAWAN – Brunei has stepped up monitoring nationwide, to detect cases with acute hepatitis of unknown origin, among children aged between one month and 16 years old, the health ministry said yesterday.

 

According to the ministry, acute hepatitis is not one of the common features of COVID-19 infection in children, or a complication of COVID-19 vaccination in children.

 

The health ministry said, no similar cases have been detected in Brunei so far.

 

Brunei reported 162 new COVID-19 cases yesterday, bringing the total tally to 142,627.

 

Brunei has recorded less than 1,000 daily new cases for 45 straight days since Mar 24, after the daily increase during the third wave of infections reached its peak on Mar 3, at 4,885 cases.

 

As of May 6, 65.8 percent of Brunei’s some 420,000 population have received three doses of COVID-19 vaccines.

 

Currently, 735 active cases are being treated and monitored in Brunei, where 141,673 recoveries from COVID-19 have been reported.

 

Source: NAM NEWS NETWORK

MAN TO BE CHARGED FOR RASH ACT

The Police will be charging a 20-year-old man for his suspected involvement in a case of rash act.

 

On 7 May 2022 at about 5.09pm, the Police were alerted to a case where items were being thrown down from a residential block along Jurong West Street 81. Through follow-up investigations and with the aid of images from Police cameras, officers from Jurong Police Division established the identity of the man and arrested him. Preliminary investigations revealed that the man had allegedly thrown a porcelain bowl and two plastic water bottles down from his residential unit at the location.

 

The man will be charged in court on 9 May 2022 with rash act under Section 336(a) of the Penal Code 1871. The offence carries an imprisonment term of up to six months, a fine of up to $2,500, or both.

 

The Police have zero tolerance against acts that endanger the lives or safety of others and will not hesitate to take action against those who blatantly disregard the law.

 

 

Source: Singapore Police Force